This article is about reflecting on the ongoing process of reforms and its failure to materialise. The centrality of this article lies in formulation of my own conclusion to wards creating the right environment in which reforms can take place. Through my own interpretation of events and the governments processes since the announcement of reforms I tried to find a context where reform process can work.

After 2004 it is apparent that the president followed the New Maldivian approach he promised. To begin with it seemed to have a lot of reflection and thought towards listening to the public. This policy saw a transformation from old guard approach to embracing and acknowledging the young educated adults of the country. People embraced hopes for an establishment of a democracy. However the assertive policy implementation role undertaken by the young newly appointed cabinet members of the “New Maldives” has definitely extinguished such hopes for the future. Power politics and ideology by MDP that they can seize power through revolutionary methods  heightened the tension to the immediate break down of democratic reforms. Emphasis on immediate politics and economic freedom has lead to the confrontational win win situation of today. In order to bring reforms the long lasting state  centric government need to be approached calmly and peacefully. After all it is common sense that  the authoritarian stance of the government is deeply rooted in the system for a long time and  to hope that it will  evaporate so soon is believing in the impossible.

One other reason  for the failure of political reform process is the lack of involvement by the global community and international organisations. Maldives even though the president has been in power  for thirty years and I argue is an administration that can be labelled as highly autocratic and authoritarian; amazingly has close knit relation with OECD countries. Especially due to the colonised nature of Maldives,  being a British protectorate has embraced strong relations with the United Kingdom. These relation extends to European countries, donor organisations such as the World Bank and Asian Development Bank. These organisations and countries has and is playing major roles in the development of the countries like Maldives. The relations run deep enough, to the point it can if needed influence political decision making and  policy making process of Maldives.  The lack of involvement from these countries apart from the few threats made by the EU; actually made it easy for the president to structure the reform process fully according to his rule. This I feel made the situation following the reform process escalates to the present point. Without any outside interventions the struggle to gain advantage and the oppositions move to quickly seize their ownership and make their mark  and the government confidently counter attacking such moves lead to common grounds for violence. The growing problem of violence and confrontations in more than number of occasions leading to blood shed is being ignored by the external entities to the level that the feeling of confidence in handling the situation in their own way prevailed in the policies sand actions of the government since the announcement of reforms. Equivalent to a civil war the internal conflict cast deepening shadows on democratic reform process. I feel calls by concerned people  for immediate intervention by the international bodies and countries is one way that still can bring back the democratic reform process on track . The feud has taken a turn from bad to worse in the last year. Each year millions of pounds are spend and donated by international Institutions to develop the countries infra structure; for the benefit of the Maldivian. However the population of Maldives trapped in the middle of party politics are  suffering from problems of neglect.  This  has not yet caught the attention of the external forces. To best solve the problem it is high time I feel that they realize that they need to  orchestrate the reform process.

Another draw back in progression is the lack of time the government and the presidents colleges engage in the reform process. This is evident in the number of meetings held and cancelled by the Parliament due to not having enough attendants. This is despite of the fact in three years both the law making body Special Majilis and Law rectifying body the Majilis has tried; conducted numerous number of meetings; constitutional reforms has yet to be  passed. The one main reason is not being able to reach a consensus between the two party members that are in the parliament. The other reason absenteeism. The management of political, economic and social life of the people are abandoned by the government, and members elected by the people to do their job. On one hand the members are paid the  highest monthly salary that parliament members have ever seen regardless of their irresponsible; corrupted unspeakable and shameless behaviour of  ignoring their job entrusted by the people. The government is no better. Due to time consuming engagement in party politics and promotion of party membership by president and his employees there is no time for reforms. Maldives, at the moment is at crossroads. Disorder, chaos, and insecurity prevails. This is the reason why I feel that the option for reducing conflict, speeding up reforms and bringing stability is in the hands of the external forces. If we let the current government to have its own way without serious intervention  there is fear that  another  three years will be wasted. Failure to launch the new constitutions thus democratic reforms has become a huge loss and disadvantage for the Maldivian peoples’ livelihood.

 I feel that the nature of many conflicts that are seen today also indicate loss of government control over the people and loss of people’s confidence over the government. Contradictory to promises the promised reforms after three years since its announcement has only brought a new addition to the other wise peaceful society. Clashes between the opposition and the presidents and struggle for party superiority is a new chapter that no Maldivian ever has seen and wanted to see. Violent methods by the police force and oppositions refusal to back down had created resentment and despair. It is high time that the developed countries take note of this. It can be argued that the violence in Maldives that we see is valid ground for such interventions as seen in parts of Africa.  There is a saying, “A sense of national identity can be invented and imposed by ruthless leaders out to seize political power in ways far more dangerous than those of the country elites who may have exploited their counting preference”. On this period of tension, instead of random interventions by the United Kingdom High Commission in Sri Lanka  broader engagement and closer interventions by donor organisations and OECD countries can bring stability to the democratic reform process.

Peaceful coexistence within the country is a pre condition for the democratic reforms to work. However the main focus of this remark lies elsewhere. Contemplating on the stalled democratic reform process the set back I am talking about is the political education level of the citizens; including school leavers. The majority of the adult population living in the atolls have not gone through formal education. The overall young generation of the country never have and still do not get the chance to acquire higher education. Either they never survive beyond middle school or high school or their performance in lower secondary is too low to take them any further. (As Dewey 1938) has expressed, democracy is an institution and a way of life. As a way of life Maldivians never experienced it and is still not being exposed to it. Where the majority of the population is concerned the situation is worse.

Citizenship and political studies is non-existent. When students are sent abroad for Tertiary education the government never historically has given scholarships that fall under public administration or political science; In most islands the communities are used as puppets of the president’s party and the main opposition party follows queue. Instead of being active participants with knowledge of what they are doing the majority of the political players are confused and merely act on order of whom they support. One of the reasons the struggle has so much physical violence is because of the citizen’s lack of education in the concept of  political revolution and change. This also leaves even though not educated; experienced mature people undecided. So it does not come as a surprise despite campaigning intensively by both parties; majority of the voting population has not chosen to join any party. I feel the strict totalitarian government of Maldives needs to realise that it is time to allow people to step out of the controlling structure laid by the government. But then it is not an easy thing to do or there is no quick fix or way of solving the problem. Preparing people to understand and take part in democracy building means changing the system. The social, political economic and cultural foundation has been laid in a certain way for such a long time changing it seems to be an impossible venture. It is so deeply embedded, undoing it means conducting of another financial project by the likes of World Bank which could take many more years. However the truth of the matter is the education system has to undergo a major haul to accommodate the new era. For such transformations huge amount of change in policy and financial resources needs to be utilised by the government. One of the reason why I see the government not engaging in this venue for reforms is  from past experience it is clear that the government does not see that citizens are an essential part of the democratisation process. Experience as discussed in previous chapters has shown that the government  prefer the passive individuals who stay refrained from exercising their civil liberties. It is clear from research; as far as the government is concerned the whole struggle for power and attempts as such are classified as  harassment of the regime.

Looking at the few  people who has made it  including that of the opposition have made it to the top because at some stage of their life they have individual possession; economic resources and exceptionally high academic performance. Also hard work has helped them to make it to the top percent of the population. It is quite amazing to say that the party officials and activists and people who joined the officials list, activists and people who joined the newly formed political parties are composed of mainly government officials, teachers, businessmen and individuals who work for the mentioned. Most players  are their  for bribing and moonlighting and other incentives. This is not the exact setting for democracy building with citizens involvement.

The disparity between the atolls in areas of social development especially in education systems is so disperse; it is horrific. An education system with outstanding corruption history still has more focus on giving power to poorly managed supporters of the presidents party. To make citizens well informed of education, the government need to  politicise education. Education in basic politics should have being in the curriculum.  Field research I have done among school leavers of 2004 indicated that they do not know the differences between major types of government. Now Maldives is at a conjecture where Maldivians have to vote to become either a  Republic or a Parliamentarian. Subsequent suppression by the government in the oppositions attempt to educate the people about the difference means, when the country vote citizens will be voting without any knowledge of what they are voting for. The reason for this highly authoritarian stance is; the president and his party wants a Republic structure and MDP wants to adopt a Parliamentarian. To let the people live in ignorance is bliss for the government  so that they will be followers instead of masters of their own political fate. Knowledge and awareness will allow formation of diverse voices and will increase the number of people who use their freedom of speech clause provided in the constitution. Thus the government and its party’s control over the people has to  diminish if allowances are made. This obstacle of lack of democratic education and awarness certainly is a draw back to the reform process and need to be managed for bringing effective democratisation of the country.

A significant factor and a major hindrance to the reform process that I would like to include here is the personal campaign, vendetta of acquiring human resource conducted by the president and his elites. The president since announcement of reforms is in renegotiation of power with newly rising class of western educated youths and adults. Furthermore negotiations with business class elites to get the strong citizens of the country on his side have made the president invincible. His party since its formation has gained guaranteed control over the people. This is a draw back in the working of the reform process and most sadly party politics. Through rewards for business sector personal and public sector personal  the president has channelled the support of almost the entire voting population to his party. This is not only a drawback for the party politics but has frustrated other established party; mapping the whole democratic reform road map to a place where it is impossible to workout. This mobilisation is apparent everywhere. When allowance on formations of political parties was first announced by the president MDP gained immense support. Prominent business people choose to join the opposition over the president’s party. For example the current financial Minister of the president’s cabinet was one of the founder member and main financer of the opposition movement and later the opposition party. Through personal incentives and other channels such personals changed their stance and joined the presidents own party and joined prominent government jobs supplied by the president as incentives. High pay and promotion of individuals within the public sector and other rewarding mechanism such as scholarships abroad, welfare support for treatment abroad helped a shift in accumulation of membership in the presidents political party. Upon initial registration the opposition movement gained membership by two thirds more than the presidents own party. However the turnaround strategy of the president with the use of public funds reversed membership to his own party in a matter of two years. Now the president’s party has a membership that has monopolised power for themselves. This a frightening strategy and can lead us to have the same political system as in countries like Zimbabwe.

The objectivities of the political environment has changed since the reforms were announced. My conclusion is the focus has shifted   once again on maintaining the power vested in the president for the last twenty eight years.

 Redirection and demands for speeding up the process and monitoring of the process to make sure that the changes are according to true democratic values is necessary. The agenda need to be set once again if  we want to see reforms. It is not only arguable but the stalled reform process for over two years is an indication that  the current trend of political reforms cannot lead to a formal constitutional democracy that the Maldivians are dreaming of. I further predict and fear that the Maldives is headed to a one party dominated political system which basically is same as previous and the present. The emerging events at the moment make the future of reforms even if implemented dull and unconvincing. The presidents control of local elites; financial sector control through businessmen and control over foreign educated students with offer of prestigious jobs has enriched his party. It has definitely increased the parties capacity and share of voters, leaving the opposition weak and in tatters.

It is obvious after two years there is no opposition party that can challenge the governments own party. Opposition is systematically being reduced to a weak movement with few members. A pressure group. Moreover any legitimate attempts made by opposition towards reforms are controlled by the president with his doctrine of  protecting citizen rights. His explanation is he has to stop attempts towards violence to make sure peace and order is maintained in the country.  However, in reality  I feel the strategy is to make sure  that the government or the president’s party is not challenged in any form. Disparity created between parties is a barrier with sad consequences for the democratic reform process. Healthy party politics is a necessity for democratic reforms.

In conclusion, my prediction is the dominant position of the president in the political scene and his history of being a political patron and engagement in patron – client relationship to gain vote has left the reform process potent. Unless foreign powers intervene and cease the presidents monopolisation and domination process political reforms will not go ahead. The victimisation of oppositional political parties and governments strategy  to makes it impossible for them to exert any pressure over the president’s government and party indicates presidents selfish determination to sustain power and discourage proper democratic reforms . The vicious circle of voters depending on the government over their livelihood and the president’s explanation of the situations lead me to one conclusion. That is even though election will be held accordingly as the president promised in 2008; the president and the party made of his incumbents and long serving elites will continue ruling the country. Despite allowing political parties to function the dream for an establishment of a democracy still remains as far way as it has being before the announcement of democratic reforms. The plight for Democracy has become a fight between the privileged well experienced ruling elite of the last three decades  known as DRP and a deprived middle class movement otherwise known as MDP. This division has negative implications for the prospect of building a true democracy in the Maldives. Following close observations of the events since the announcement of reforms  it is clear that to become profoundly legitimate as a government committed for democratic reforms the current government should find a less shackled way of dealing with opposition activities. Legitimacy of the president’s promise is only believable if it allows avenues needed for public dialogue, scrutiny, communication debates and accommodation of other activities in line with freedom of association and expression. It is only through engagement that citizens will be able to become aware and gather information and knowledge about choices. If systematic suppression is exercised even though it is over a minority; the government’s true desire to pursue reforms is questionable. This leads to the question whether the government is capable of a change of autocratic stance or formulate a turnover strategy. In other words whether this government can lead the country to transition from the long history of authoritarianism since independence; to democracy is yet to be decided. Because this is a profound change. It is questionable whether it is possible for the reason; with a history and stigma of authoritarian attached to it and the government  can establish democracy in the Maldives without willing to become a  causality first.

I personally think that for democratic reforms to take place as apparently seeing since 2004 an avenue for democratic engagement needs to be found independently. It needs to be orchestrated at local, national and international level by an independent commission or harshly speaking by an interim government. Once such an avenue or a commission for communication is established then the voices of both elite and commons can be heard without brawls, without time consuming arguments that never reach a conclusion. There will be no bias and it will create a healthy environment where everyone is treated as equals.